Taking the Auspices

[Horatius Piscinus]

Salvete mi amici et amicae

Elsewhere I have been asked to do an article on a step by step guide on Roman augury for modern practitioners. I have never been very pleased with the article I initially wrote for Collegium Religionis and have long thought of revisiting the subject. So I will start this topic now, try to have a little order to what I will post, but there is so much involved at times it will be a bit of a ramble. Eventually though I hope to produce something out of this that we may all be able to use.

The first thing I should point out, contrary to the request made of me, I feel that Roman auguries can nolonger be conducted. There are some technical reasons why I think that. So my subject will be on taking private auspices. Although this will be based on what can be gained from ancient texts, the perspective of the series will be for modern use.

The second thing I wish to mention is the importance of the rite of auspicia privati as a basis for all other rituals of the Religio Romana.

In taking the auspices we can delineate several steps. Prior to that, preparation is made as for other rites of the Religio Romana. One would cleanse himself and then don clean garments. A period of purification is built into the rite of the augur, lasting a matter of several hours. Some other things we might touch upon in passing are an augur's ritual tools, the lituus and capis, the sella solida, and the tabernaculum. Other things might be better explained before going into the rite itself and I will try to come back to them if anyone has a question.

The various steps are:

I. Marking out the terrestrial templum
II Being seated
III Silentium and Benediction
IV Sacrifice and Invocation
V Establishing the celestial templum
VI Prayers and designation of the auspicia imperitiva
VII Viewing the Signs
Ex Caelo
Ex Avibus: Alites and Oscines
Ex Tripudiis
Ex Quadrupedibus
Ex Diris
VIII Interpreting between the Auspices
VIIII Arising, Vacating, and the Ceremonial Drink of Water
X Confirmation by Oblativa
XI Announcing the Auspices

Di deaeque vos semper ament
Moravius Piscinus

[Horatius Piscinus]

Salvete

Marking out the Terrestrial Templum

In order to put forward a templum (templum agere) a procedure is followed in the manner given by Pliny for establishing an estate (Nat. Hist. 18.76-77). This is the same procedure for first establishing a military camp, as the terrestrial templum would become the center of the camp and the tabernaculum or tent used by the augur would become a general's tent. The method of augury used by the Roman military is different from that used for the auspicia publici or the auspicia privati and perhaps we can come back to them another time. Laying out the terrestrial templum likewise becomes the basis for laying out a colony and town, as it will become a sanctified space and the center of the town or colony. Likewise still, in founding a sanctuary, temple precinct, temple building or any public building the method is the same. For an augur to put forward his augural station, he begins with an observation of the night sky.

The augur rises from his bed around midnight and in the stillness of the night he goes to where his station will be to begin observing the sky for signs (Festus 348a).. He will note the risings and settings of the stars, sun, and moon, recalling the lore on seasons, winds, and weather, as these may pertain to his taking of the auspices and could also be taken into account when interpreting the auspices. The Romans did not use or condone astrology per se, but did have a native system of weather prediction based on observing the stars. Varro refers to the templa delineated by nature, by similitudes, by the auspices of sky and earth, as well as the natura in caelo that elsewhere refers to the climate. Some of the Roman observances on climate and weather is related by Plinius Secundus in Book XVIII of the Historia Naturalis as it relates to farming. In addition, observation of the night sky was required to orient a site onto the cardinal directions, affixing the corners of the templum to the earth. "The stars signify joyfulness and prosperity, according to Ateius Capito, an authority on Publius Servilius the augur, since from the sky above, like the stars, are the inaugurated locations fixed (Festus 351a)."

A location is selected that is preferably on high ground with a field of vision unobstructed to the horizons. In taking auspicia privati the field of vision should encompass the family's estate. For auspicia publici, since auspices did not carry beyond a river and the region of any municipia was relatively small, a natural field of vision (about twelve miles due to the curvature of the earth) would take in the region covered by the auspices. In special cases such as taking auspices to establish a shrine, the region covered by the auspices is very small and the field of vision does not have to encompass any more than is necessary.

A terrestrial templum is first drawn out on the ground by marking out two perpendicular lines. First the cardo running east and west, then the decumamus running north and south, are drawn according to astronomical observations. Pliny's description has one mark out the cardo specifically at the Vernal Equinox, noting where the sun rises on the horizon which would be due east. The same would occur at the Autumnal equinox, but on any other days of the year the position of sunrise is relative east. The templa are marked out according to the position of sunrise on the horizon as relative east. You might note that unlike the Greeks who oriented their temples on the risings of certain stars, or on the sun or moon at certain times in their cycles, Roman temples do not appear to be oriented on any particular direction. However Latin texts do attest to the use of orientation. It may be that relative east used to lay out the founding templum was the cause of this seemingly lack of orientation, and it might prove interesting some day to make a survey of Roman temples to see if they do conform to some pattern.

The decumamus is drawn out by one of two methods. First at night one may stand south of the cardo to observe Polaris and determine north. No star though is at true north. The old method used by shepherds was to construct a cross bar with a plummet line hung from it. Observing from the north, the plummet line becomes your local meridian and observing any star then crossing that meridian at the height of its arc will give you true south. The second method is made at high noon. This is the method given by Pliny. Standing on the cardo with your back to the sun, and your right shoulder pointed towards the point on the eastern horizon where the sun rose that day, your shadow will fall towards the north. The decumamus then falls along your shadow's central axis. This method will give true north only on the days of the equinoxes. Using the relative east and relative north for your location and time of year would be the proper method to follow. The auspices are to be taken by observation of the signs of nature, and not through artificial methods made through calculations.

The lengths given by Pliny for the decumamus and cardo are twenty feet. Where they intersect is the umbilicus. A pile of stones is made on the umbilicus in the form of a circle, to form a rustic altar for the geni loci. A pole, called a gruma, is erected at the umbilicus that will become the center pole of the tabernaculum or tent used as a blind for the auspex. "Next are made two lines obliquely through the umbilicus in the form of an X; these will mark the solstice risings (Pliny Nat Hist. 18.77)." This is not quite correct in what Pliny says, that is if you are thinking in terms of a square. However the normal proportion of an Etruscan or Roman templum was a 6:5 rectangle. Oriented correctly this would give you a closer approximation to the solstitial risings, and it is a method found used to lay out some megalithic sites. The rectangle is made by drawing in two sets of parallel lines oriented on the cardo and decumamus respectively. The result will give eight points, used to denote the direction of the winds. Observation of the wind direction made along with other signs of Nature were taken into account when interpreting the auspices. Later when the second celestial templum is "put forward," drawn in the sky using the lituus, the horizon has thus already been divided into eight sections. Consideration is given as to whether the celestial signs appear high in the sky or lower to the horizon. Thus is formed the sixteen sections of the sky mentioned in Roman commentaries of taking the auspices.

Di deaeque vos semper ament
Moravius Piscinus

[Horatius Piscinus]

Salvete

Cicero recognized two forms of divination. The natuale form of prophecy and dreams was attained through passions of the mind. These were brought on by the literal meaning of inspiration, for example when a divine spirit entered the Sibyl of Cumae. The arts of divination, Cicero's artificiosum form, on the other hand used artificial means of divination. This form included the Roman practices of sorting by lots, haruspacy and augury. These are made "partly by conjecture and part by observations of long standing (Cicero Div. 1.6.11; 18.34; 33.72; 2.11.26; Serv. Aen. 3.359)." Augury employs a traditional method and relies upon traditional observations, as Cicero said (Div. 1.39.85) but it was not entirely a mechanical performance. Even in what Cicero has to say, there is an aspect of taking the auspices that requires the augur to alter his state of consciousness into a ritual composure. An augur does not enter a full trance as would a Sibyl, but he does need to place himself into a state of mind that is receptive to the auspices. The traditional method of the augurial rite is designed to preserve that proper composure of an auspex during the ceremony.

At the center of the terrestrial templum there is erected a tabernaculum. This is a square or rectangular tent that is opened only to the south. The auspex alone sits in the tabernaculum, placing himself just inside the opening. His field of view to the south is not impaired, but his peripheral vision should be cut off by the tabernaculum. The augures and all others who will assist the auspex are to stand silently outside the tabernaculum (Serv. Aen. 9.4). This is to insure that the auspex will not be distracted by any movement that could vitiate the augury. On hand, too, are the tibicines. The auspex covers his head in a fold of his toga in ritu Gabii. Then placed within the tabernaculum sounds from outside are muffled. The flute playing of the tibicines then drowns out what other sounds might be heard. What can be heard are the calls of the oscines, or those birds of augury whose calls were especially loud and sharp, such as the caw of a crow.


We can also see the traditional method preserving the augurial state of mind with its insistence that the auspex remain seated throughout the ceremony. The seat on which the auspex sat had to be solid so that it would not make a creaking noise during the rite. In Numa's case he was "conducted by the augur ...to the citadel and sat on a stone (Livy 1.18.1)." Elsewhere the seat of an auspex is called a sella solida. The augur or auspex could set his templum and erect his tabernaculum and then leave, returning later to take the auspices. Such was the case with consul Gracchus when he established his tabernaculum in Scipio's garden and then returned to preside over the Senate. That instance also provides a caution, since in returning to his templum Gracchus forgot an important step that then vitiated his auspices (Cicero Nat. Deor. 2.4.11). Apparently there was some discussion between the augures over the period in which the auspex was expected to develop and retain his augurial composure. Some held that if the auspex had prepared and seated himself on the sella solida and then would happen to rise from his seat, he had to maintain his composure and return to his seat before completing the rite. Rising from the sella solida in itself did not signify an end to the rite, but could if the auspex broke his silentium. Veranius on the other hand said that the silentium of an augur or auspex began when he arose from his bed at midnight. What mattered is that the auspex retain the special composure and focus of mind needed to perform the rite (Festus348a).

Valerius Maximus gives us an anecdote that represents how sensitive the Romans could be of sounds that might be mistaken as omens, thus vitiating an augury. "And the disturbing sound of a mouse squeaking gave cause to Fabius Maximus to lay down his dictatorship and C. Flaminius his mastership of the horse (1.1.5)." The story is repeated by Plutarch (Marcellus 5) and was behind the tale of the "Lampoon of the Shrewmouse," that "mouse among the augurs who was bestowed by Saturn (Mar. Vict. 2470 P) ." On the other hand though was the view of Cato. In an oration Cato offered that were he to rise at night to take the auspices, the sounds of servants and serving girls whispering between the blankets and creaking the beds might be heard. But so long as he did not give notice, if he pretended not to hear, then his composure remained and the auspices would not be vitiated (Festus 234b; p.268, 16-20).

Cicero contended that it was enough that long standing, traditional observations and the traditional method was held to be sacred, and thus they were required to be performed with exactness (Div. 1.39.85). But Cicero also revealed that he had no confidence in the auspices. Forms and methods could be manipulated, and indeed Cicero thought that traditional forms of the Religio Romana should be manipulated as a means of controlling the ignorant masses. Much has been made by historians and reconstructions for an exactness to detail in performing Roman rites, without understanding that ritual form is a method of building ritual consciousness and maintaining ritual composure. They have missed the point of ritual. They miss too that where Pliny speaks of exactness in ritual performance, with "prayers using a precise form of words," and gives the story of Tullus Hostilius consumed by lightning when he "failed to follow the ritual to the letter," he is speaking about a superstitious approach to ritual (Hist Nat. 28.11-13). How very different indeed would be the view of the Religio Romana and of the auspices had we more than a few scraps of Appius Claudius Pulcher's De Auguralis disciplinae, Nigidius Figulus' De Auguri Privati, Marcus Valerius Messalla Rufus' De Auspiciis, Granius Flaccus' De Indigitamenta outlining the exact formulas used, Veranius' De Auspiciorum libris, C. Ateius Capito's De Iure auguralis, as well as works by Lucius Caesar, Gaius Marcellus, Ennius' De Augurandi Disciplina and Varro's Augurum Libri. Unlike Cicero, these men believed in the auspices, most of them being augures, and wrote from experience. We would see then that while attention to detail was important, more important is maintaining ritual composure, what the Romans included in the meaning of the silentium.

Di deaeque vos semper ament

[Horatius Piscinus]

Salvete

SILENTIUM

"In the time of our forefathers the magistrates would call in some expert to assist on such occasions when the auspices were to be taken, but nowadays anyone will do. However one must be an expert to know what constitutes silentium, for by that term we mean 'free of every augural defect'. To understand that belongs to a perfect augur. After the celebrant auspex has said to his assistant, 'Tell me when silence appears to exist,' the latter, without himself looking up or about, immediately replies, 'Silence appears to exist' (Cicero On Divination, 2.71-2)."

SILENTIUM may best be translated as "awed solemnity" of the kind needed for "ritual correctness." Cicero above defines SILENTIUM in a negative sense, applicable to all Roman rituals, where any sign of impropriety would vitiate the ceremony of the rite. That is, the traditional and proper manner in which any ritual of the Religio Romana was to be performed. Virgil employs a double entendre of SILENTIUM where the envoys of the Latins came to ask a truce of Aeneas. After they addressed him and he responded, "they stood astonished and amazed into silence, their dazed eyes staring, turning about to behold one another's face (Aeneid 11.120-1)." Servius Honoratus, commenting on this passage, said simply that Virgil's use of obstipuere silentes meant that "they were amazed and astonished and they began to be still and silent (Ad Aen. 11.120)." This is generally taken to mean that the envoys were surprised by the generosity of Aeneas' reply. However it should be kept in mind that the presentation of Latin envoys and Aeneas' reply to the envoys is conducted within a formal ritual. Having spoken their messages, the envoys would naturally have stood silent awaiting a reply. Virgil indicates that this was done in a ritual manner with due solemnity. The amazement and astonishment of the envoys, while indicated to be directed towards Aeneas, would also be their countenance towards Jupiter in whose presence they perform their ambassadorial duties. Virgil's intent is to convey that whatever took place in this scene was conducted in a ritualistic manner.

A call for SILENTIUM thus means, "Be attentive!" more than that it commands silence, since the purpose of this portion in any rite is to avoid distractions that may vitiate it. An anecdotal precaution is given by Valerius Maximus:

"The disturbing sound of a shrewmouse squeaking gave cause to Fabius Maximus to lay down his Dictatorship and C. Flaminius his Mastership of the Horse (Val. Max. 1.1.5; Plut. Marc. 5)."

It is likewise referred to in the "Lampoon of the Shrewmouse," as that "mouse among the augurs who was bestowed by Saturn (Mar. Vict. 2470 P)." The squeak of the mouse broke the ritual silence, true. But more so his presence broke the attention of the rite's participants so that they did not perform the rite properly attentive. The AUSPEX has previously drawn his toga up to veil his head (capite velato) in the manner of the cinctu Gabinu and he remains seated slightly within the tabernaculum. Both precautions muffle undesired sounds and also prevent him from being distracted by his peripheral vision. He is seated on a sella solida as Numa had sat on a stone rather than a creaking chair. The tibicines play flutes so that no distant sound may be heard and interrupt the rite. The AUSPEX remains seated "wrapped in his robe, a trabea according to the augurs, while the others who are present with him remain standing still (Serv. Aen. 9, 4)." We may consider that all of the preliminary steps leading up to the taking of the auspices has placed the AUSPEX into a proper ritual composure where by he becomes receptive to the signs that will present themselves. All those present are thus conjoined not to disturb his ritual composure, and thus calling for silentium marks the beginning of a new phase in the rite. Cicero claimed that in his day the taking of the public auspices had become wholly a ritualized performance. He gives the ritual beginning with the AUSPEX saying to another nearby, "Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices," to which is replied, "I will." Next we may assume that a signal was give to the audience, or some call was given to indicate that the public portion of the ceremony was to begin, in order that the observing crowd would settle into a proper decorum. It is only then that the AUSPEX would ask whether SILENTIUM had been established.

There were different formulae for exhorting SILENTIUM at public sacrifices and for public auspices (Paul. Festus. P 78; 249; Cic. Div 2.71-2; 2.82-3. G. Appel De Romanorum Precationibus, 1909). In the one case that is known, from the Late Republic, SILENTIUM was called at the beginning of the assembly of a Comitia by calling out, in effect, "Depart, all those who have no business being here. Depart!" Aspects of any assembly included religious rites, including a form of augury in sortition. Therefore proper decorum was required, if not always attained, in performing an augury by sortition. (See Roberta Stewart, Public Office in Early Rome, 1998). In domestic rites and private auguries such formulae may have been used, but not necessarily were they required. If a paterfamilias needed to take auspices he would wait until everything in the household seemed silent enough. Little did it matter, according to Cato, if a servant girl whispered or made sounds beneath a blanket, so long as the paterfamilias did not hear, or pretended not to hear any sounds (Fest. p. 268, 16-20). In order to make a private rite more formal the manner of public rites was adopted. Such is the case in a play by Plautus where there is a scene of the drawing of lots. It is performed as an example of augury, the scene's humor possibly made by the displacement of a public rite into a very different context. If so, then two examples of a silentium formulae are possibly given.

The rite of sortition begins when Lysidamus says, "Be silent, speak well. I trust in the gods, we will put our hopes in the gods (Casina 346: BENEDICTA. DIS SOM FRETUS; DEOS SPERABIMUS)."

Another character later says, "I am silent. I ask the gods, please, that it comes to me by taking the auspices what may be good and fortunate for me" (Casia 382: TACEO. DEOS QUAESO IN MIHI EVENIAT QUOD BONAM ATQUE FORTUNATUM SIT MIHI).

Lysidamus' injunction is neither "Be silent" nor one to encourage eloquence. It does command, however, that the characters present change their mood into one of proper respect for the rite about to be performed. The other character does not respond with silence. He says, "I am silent" to indicate he will not continue talking on other matters, and couples this with a little prayer to the gods that is proper to the new situation begun by the invoking of a SILENTIUM. In the scene, the banter between characters over their divergent interests, conducted by interchanges, is suddenly stilled. They continue to speak, but in asides to the audience, respecting the rite being performed on stage. It is as though a mantle of silentium was called down over the scene. The conduct of the characters is altered by their respect and awe for a mysterious power, the scene transposed then into an artificial solemnity. Elsewhere among the poets we may see that silentium refers more to a solemnity, one brought on by coming into the presence of the gods, than how it is usually translated as simply "silence."

Gods, who rule the realms of souls, those regions unrevealed to human sight and held in silence, and Chaos, and Phlegethon, that River of Fire, the regions of the night, and broad silent tracts, grant that I may be allowed to report your words that my ears have heard, to explain your numina, mystic powers from distant lands immersed in mists. (Virgil Aeneid 6.264 ff)

Servius Honoratus offers an explanation in his commentaries on the Aeneid that the umbraeque silentes mentioned at 6.264 are "the secret infernal places that remain always hidden from human sight and in SILENTIUM." Then for the next line, 6.265, he gives the "regions of the night, broad silent tracts, or what is held to be above what he calls a 'shadowy and silent realm,' in other words what he wished to show as part of the world that lies in a perpetual darkness of obscurity." With Suetonius we hear how Caesar gave thanksgiving (supplicatio) near the "temples of the major deities" (apud superiores aedes) and then descended to the sedentibus ac silentibus cunctis (De Vita Caesarum 21.1). The "seats and silent places" to which he refers are the stations of the augures and sacred groves, as were those of Faunus, that were shaded places used to perform incubations. Virgil speaks of one such place where king Latinus went to consult his father Faunus in a "sacred grove beneath mount Albunea whose shady wood rings her haunted fountain, through whose gloom breathes forth a deadly sulphurous vapor (Aeneid 7.81 ff)." Latinus sacrifices sheep. then spreads out their skins, upon which he lies sub nocte silenti. The image is one of the darkness and silence and stillness of the night, or of a forested sacred grove. The description of this rite follows one that Ovid has Numa perform (Fasti 4.649-67). Faunus is said to "give response to stilled minds in the quiet of the night" rather than use the term SILENTIUM. We do not need though to assume that this rite was necessarily performed at night. The attributes of stillness and silence, and of relative darkness, would be present in such a forest, especially near Albunea's sulphurous springs that would keep animals and birds at bay. Likewise in Faunus' "ancient forest," or the "grove beneath the Aventine, black with shady oak" where Numa also met Faunus (Fasti 3.295). At the same time such the Albunea site was associated with the Underworld and evoked astonishment, awe, and amazement due to its nature. We can see then that the silentibus were more than just "silent places" in a literal sense. They were such places that inspired silentium in the sense of an awed wonder, and they were such places associated with prophecy and oracles (the grove of Egeria or the cave of the Sibyl of Cumae), with incubations (the sacred groves of Faunus), and with augury (the augural "seats" or stations). That is, the silentibus were not "silent places" as such, but places of ritual where silentium, as a ceremonial decorum, was naturally evoked.

Today if you walked into a church, a synagogue, a mosque, a Buddhist shrine, the ruins of an ancient temple, an Amerindian ceremonial ground, or even into a grove of natural wonder, immediately one's composure changes into that of silentium. You adopt a subdued demeanor. You speak, if at all, in hushed tones. You show respect towards the mystical presence residing in the place by taking on a solemn manner. In the Religio Romana silentium refers to such a solemn composure. The augur calls for silentium through some fitting formula such as "Benedicta; I trust in the gods; let us put our hopes in the gods." This signals to the Auspex that the time has arrived in the rite for him to actually take the auspices. He responds then that he is ready to perform his part by saying something like "Taceo." At the same time it signals to the others present, and to those watching the performance of the rite, that they too are to adopt a solemn behavior.

Valete optime

[Horatius Piscinus]

Salvete mi amici et amicae

FORMULAE OF SILENTIUM

Here is a little more detail on the silentium in the way it was called for in certain rites. I begin with the one mentioned in the previous post on silentium.

Cicero De Divinatione II.34.71-2 gives a sequence of formulae uttered between a general and his assisting augur while conducting a tripudium.

Auspex: Q. FABI, TE MIHI IN AUSPICIO ESSE VOLO. [Q. Fabius, I wish you to assist me in taking the auspices.}
Augur: AUDIVI [I will]
Auspex: DICITO, SI SILENTIUM ESSE VIDEBITUR. [Tell when it appears that silentium is established.]
Augur:: SILENTIUM ESSE VIDERI [Silentium appears to be established.].
Auspex: DICITO SI PASCENTUR [Tell me when the chickens begin to eat.]
Augur: PASCUNTUR. [They are eating now.]

Another formula was spoken when an assembly of the people was to be conducted. Festus P.82 M. for EXESTO, EXTRA ESTO has a lictor say, HOSTIS VINCTUS MULIER VIRGO EXESTO [Enemy prisoners, virgin and unmarried women, be gone!] Festus comments, "No doubt they were prohibited from being among the assembled. The procedures of a comitia were made in two parts, with the initial condito being open to anyone. This was where a measure would be discussed in public. Then a call would be made for a vote, requiring that the electoral urns be brought forth from a temple. This would be done for a sortition, conducted to determine the order in which tribes would vote. Sortitions represented a type of consultation with the gods, and thus a ritual would be carried out in a manner similar to taking the auspices. Therefore everyone who did not belong at a public rite of the Romans had to be ordered out. Festus' reference to the presence of a lictor indicates the type of comitia presided over by a consul or praetor. [Possibly Festus may be referring to some other rite where the flamen Dialis would preside, as he was preceded by a lictor to drive off anyone in chains for the flamen's presence in order to avoid breaking a tabu.]

Among the poets are three examples of formulae calling for silentium.

Ovid Metamorphoses VII. 255
HINC PROCUL AESONIDEM, PROCUL HINC IUBET IRE MINISTROS
ET MONET ARCANIS OCULOS REMOVERE PROFANOS
Henceforth far away, Jason, son of Aeson, and his companions, (Medea) orders the profane to go far away, removed from seeing hidden rites that ask for divine assistance and advice.

Vergil Aeneid VI. 258:
ADVENTANTE DEA; "PROCUL O PROCUL ESTE PROFANI!"
CONCLAMAT VATES, "TOTOQUE ABSTITE LUCO."
"Far away, go far away, you who are profane,"
The priestess calls out, "From this entire sacred grove, be gone!"

Calpurnius Bucollia II.54 ff
SUB ARBORE NUMEN HOC ERIT;
ITE PROCUL, SACER EST LOCUS, ITE PROFANI
Beneath the tree a numen here shall be;
Go far away, for this locus is sacred, go far away you who are profane.

While Ovid describes the prelude to a rite, the wording of Vergil and Calpurnius are close enough to one another in content and form to pose that they were repeating a formula used to call for silentium at certain rites. Ovid may give us the clue as to which rites are indicated. He uses the term arcane in a sense of meaning rites from distant, foreign lands. Festus tells us that this was a common understanding, a notitia vulgari, for arcani. He also says, though, that arcani can refer to a special type of sacrifice that was carried on at augurial sites. My previous post referred to such augural sites as sedentibus ac silentibus cunctis, and Servius refers to umbraeque silentes. The umbrae are generally translated to mean the shadowy regions of the Underworld, but they can refer to specific sites in front of the temples of Neptune where a tabernaclum would be set up, presumably to take the auspices. [Festus: UMBRAE vocabantur Neptunalibus casae frondeae pro tabernaculis.] While Cicero said that only an expert augur would know what constitutes silentium at a public rite, many Romans would, however, be familiar with the formula used by augurs to call for silentium in the public and private taking of the auspices. The formula directly commands the profane to leave a sacred place. At the same time it is a signal for those who remain to adopt a proper decorum while witnessing the rites

Valete et vadete in pacem deorum